REVILLARD Anne

This thesis focuses on the regulation of marital mix in Japan. This topic allows us to address several major issues in contemporary Japan, in particular the definition of the boundaries of the national community and the modalities of gender (re)production at work in law and public policy. This research analyzes the evolution of the modalities of inclusion and exclusion of families from binational marriages in the national community from 1873 to the present day, which are at the basis of the "politics of belonging". The study shows the centrality of gender until 1985, both in the transmission of nationality and in the granting of residence facilities to Japanese spouses. In particular, we analyze the forms and effects of the measures taken to control the authenticity of marriages, in a context of increasing repression of "sham marriages". The originality of Japan is that part of the implementation of migration regulations is carried out by legal professionals: expert advisors in administrative procedure (CEPA). We question their role as intermediaries with a private status and an important place in the implementation of a policy, which leads us to broaden our reflection on the contours of public action. We conducted semi-structured interviews and participant observation with these actors. We show that the logic of action of the CEPAs is determined by the constraints specific to their professional positioning, which places them in tension between the service and their clients and the expectations of the administration.

What can be the effect of introducing quotas in the face of gender inequalities in higher education and research? In a recent study, Pierre Deschamps looked at the impact of the implementation since 2015 of a 40% quota for women in university selection committees in France. He relied on administrative data on 455 academic committees and 1548 candidates belonging to 3 French public universities. Published in LIEPP's Working Paper n°82 "Gender Quotas in Hiring Committees: a Boon or a Bane for Women", the results of this study question the conception and effects of equality policies in higher education and research. Indeed, if the quota is indeed respected, the increase in the proportion of women on committees seems to have been accompanied by a decrease in the chances of recruitment of women candidates. These findings were the subject of an interdisciplinary discussion at a "LIEPP Debate" held on April 5, 2019. Drawing on work from law and political science, Anne Revillard revisited the origin and objectives of the reforms instituting the quota. Marie Sautier put the results of this study into perspective through a sociological analysis of the mechanisms of production of gender inequalities. Mathieu Arbogast, representing the Mission pour la place des femmes at the CNRS, pointed out the specific obstacles to the implementation of quotas in the world of research, and presented several avenues for reform in the wake of this work.

This book has become a reference in the field of gender studies. It offers a clear, synthetic and up-to-date overview of the essential concepts of this discipline, illustrated by numerous concrete examples. Why do we give dolls to girls and cars to boys? Why do women earn less than men? Why do women do two-thirds of the domestic work? Is gender an identity or a constraint? Is power inherently male? These are just some of the many questions that gender studies have addressed, and over the past 40 years they have become not only a field of knowledge, but also an essential analytical tool in the human and social sciences. Beyond the variety of phenomena studied, the book develops several essential axes of gender studies: the differences in the ways of seeing, thinking and acting between women and men are the result of a social construction . the analysis must not be limited to the study of "one" sex, but must focus on their relations . gender is a relationship of domination whose modalities and intensity are constantly reconfigured . it must be analyzed in relation to the other power relationships that run through societies. This manual offers a clear and synthetic overview of the essential notions and references of gender studies, illustrating them with numerous concrete examples. For undergraduate and graduate students, researchers and teachers in sociology, anthropology, political science, history and philosophy. [Publisher's abstract].

Access to public spaces for a person in a wheelchair may be enshrined in law, but where a ramp is lacking, this right remains a dead letter. The school may claim to be inclusive, but if it does not provide a blind student with the appropriate accommodations, it is not inclusive in practice. Over the years and through mobilization, a multitude of rights have been recognized for people with disabilities. How have they changed their daily lives? Based on biographical accounts collected from individuals with motor or visual disabilities, the author shows that the rights associated with disability, often imprecise in the texts, suffer from major implementation flaws. Yet, in the face of these vulnerable rights, individuals are active, critical and innovative. At school, in the workplace, with the administration or on public transport, they protest, negotiate, tinker and adapt their rights, to break with the second-class citizenship that is still assigned to them. [Editor's summary].

Over the past several decades, scholarship on women's movements, feminism, and the state has brought renewed attention to the study of protest politics by questioning its frontier with dominant institutions. This article takes this critique a step further by considering the institutional dimension of the state-movement intersection. Drawing on the French case, we argue that institutions that are formally devoted to women's rights inside the state (women's policy agencies) can operate as movement institutions—that is, as bureaucratic instances routinely engrained with a protest dimension—rather than being only a shelter for a network of insider activists. As such, they can provide a specific, institutional feminist socialization to their members. they can purvey, rather than only relay, feminist protest, and they can deploy institutional repertoires of protest, combining bureaucratic and movement dimensions. We conclude that the definition and boundaries of the women's movement need to be broadened to include bureaucratic sources of feminist protest.

Unlike other sequences such as agenda setting or implementation, political science has been relatively less interested in the moment in which public policies produce consequences for their individual citizens. The processes at stake mix direct effects of public action and appropriation by individuals, and they have both objective and subjective dimensions. We propose to account for them using the idea of the reception of public action. This article specifies the theoretical and methodological implications of this approach. It identifies two complementary ways of studying these reception processes, which differ in their scale of analysis: that of the instrument and that of the public action sector.

No summary available.

While disabled people embody a classical figure of vulnerability, this paper shifts the focus of attention to the vulnerability of their social rights. I address this question normatively and empirically. From a normative point of view, a common framing of disability rights as civil rights, under the influence of the Americans with disabilities Act (ADA), has tended to impede the discussion on disability social rights. By re-asserting that social rights are fundamental human rights, the United Nations’ Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD) contributes to bringing them back to the forefront of disability research. However, the realization of disability social rights also needs to be empirically assessed. Based on theories of social rights as well as on Weberian sociology of law, I point to two major ideal-typical characteristics of social rights: they are expected to reduce uncertainty, especially regarding the evolution of one’s autonomy, and to foster a sense of citizenship. I then study the reception of two types of disability benefits in France, the Adult disability benefit (AAH) and the Disability compensation benefit (PCH), to assess to what extent these promises of social rights translate into the experiences of disabled citizens. My analysis is based on 30 biographical interviews with people with either visual or mobility impairments, conducted between 2014 and 2016. The results show the persistent vulnerability of disability social rights in France, pointing to the importance of the procedural dimension of rights realization.

This dissertation focuses on the transitions to employment of young people with disabilities who, having requested and obtained accommodations during their university studies, have been recognized as "disabled students. The sociological analysis focuses on the issues, during this period, of the use of the Recognition of the Quality of Disabled Worker (RQTH): what happens when it is a question of choosing whether or not to tick this "box" in the "application form(s)" of the Maison Départementale des Personnes Handicapées (MDPH)? This research mobilizes data of various kinds (secondary exploitation of a statistical survey, integration narratives and a national ad-hoc survey) collected in successive stages. The forms of (non-)recourse to the RQTH during these transitions to employment seemed to us to shed new light on the influences of public policies for the compensation of disability on the paths and subjectivities of individuals. The aim was to conduct a sociology of the "reception of disability policies" (Revillard, 2017) and to understand the effects of this on "relationships to working life" (Longo, 2011). How do "professional possibilities" and "compensatory possibilities" articulate themselves? Based on a reasoning by ideal-types, we have developed four profiles of "navigators". The nautical metaphor allows us to represent the individuals in front of their professional horizons. Our results first support the idea of an unequal character of the public policies of compensation of the handicap which require identity prerequisites diversely distributed in the studied population. Secondly, we detect a paradox in that the policies seem to have a more significant "grip" on individuals who do not recognize themselves in them. We consider that there is a discrepancy between the "spirit" of disability policies and the conceptions of disability held by some young people living with capacity limitations.

Improving the status of women and challenging gender inequalities was one of the most significant social transformations of the 20th century. What was the role of public policy in this social change? This is the question that Anne Revillard seeks to answer in her book 'La cause des femmes dans l'État. A France-Quebec Comparison'*. She approaches it by studying the evolution of multiple governmental institutions (ministries, secretariats of state, advisory councils) which, since the 1960s, have been responsible for promoting women's rights. The diversity of names given to these institutions - "condition féminine", "droits des femmes", "égalité", "statut de la femme" - betrays their fragility and translates the mutation of behaviors, values and meanings over time (First paragraph).

In recent years, French disability policies have been enriched by a collective dimension aiming at better social inclusion of the persons concerned. How are these policies perceived by their recipients? Do they achieve their goal of improving the social life of people with disabilities? This is the subject of research conducted in sociology by Anne Revillard, a researcher at the Observatoire sociologique des changements (OSC) and the Laboratoire interdisciplinaire d'évaluation des politiques publiques (LIEPP). She presents the results in an article entitled "La réception des politiques du handicap : une approche par entretiens biographiques" (The reception of disability policies: a biographical interview approach) - recently published by the Revue française de sociologie.

In the wake of the parity laws of the 2000s, the scarcity of women at the top of professional organizations has become a public issue, the subject of increasingly restrictive laws and measures (quotas). What is the situation in the senior civil service? This book, the result of an in-depth investigation in four ministerial departments, offers original avenues of interpretation. Beyond the recurrent discourses on "self-censorship" and women's "choices", the life stories of senior executives and managers reveal the daily manufacture of male advantage within organizations. Extensive and rigid working hours, the low legitimacy of the right to maternity leave, the opacity of promotion criteria or the sexism of the professional environment are all sources of inequality. However, the glass ceiling is neither homogeneous nor immutable. Ministries and departments are diversely feminized and accommodating. The professional destinies of women and men vary according to their educational qualifications, their social origin, their marital and family history. Policies of professional equality have limited effects, but they are also the support of the denunciation of inequalities and the valorization of new leadership identities, for women as well as for men (Editor's summary).

While research on legal mobilization shows how social movements contribute to the definition and implementation of rights, it remains excessively centered on litigation to the detriment of administrative rights enforcement. This article maps out how street-level bureaucracies impact rights enforcement by distinguishing between allocation, access, and process, and analyzes how social movements intervene in these three aspects. It then focuses on allocation, using the case of French disability policy to analyze the forms of advocacy deployed by movement actors who take part in the rights allocation process at the local level. The article argues that conformity to institutional norms derives not so much from a pressure to conform as from the knowledge and experience of the limited means locally available to make rights effective. Further, it shows how advocacy is reframed from the defense of individual claims to a role of scrutiny and control of the bureaucratic allocation of rights.

Through a hundred portraits of men and women developed during a survey in four ministerial directorates, sociologists revisit the issue of gender career inequalities in the administrative elite. ©Electre 2018.

Drawing on an exploration of English -and French- speaking literature on women's movements in Europe over the last three decades, this chapter is organised into four sections: - The first maps out the founding studies on women's movements in Europe, which provided typologies based on country-specific case studies and cross-country comparisons. - The second section examines studies of women's movements' interplay with the state and policy-making. - The third section explores the body of literature addressing the relationship between women's moveme,ts and party/electoral politics. - Finally, the fourth section focuses on recent trends of research which address the impact of European Union integration on women's advocacy.

The right to housing, the rights of the sick, equal rights and opportunities, participation and citizenship of disabled people, the right to a minimum income, etc. The reference to subjective rights has become increasingly important in the production of legislation, in France as in other Western countries. Can the State guarantee the reality of these new rights recognized to individuals? What capacities do public actors have to implement them? How do claims in terms of rights contribute to transforming the modalities of state intervention and to shifting the boundaries of public action? The book investigates this "State of rights", based on various national cases in Belgium, Canada, France and Sweden and in various sectors of public action - disability, discrimination, health, housing, school policies. It shows how state institutions, through their daily practices, make or break the rights of individuals. It pays particular attention to the new organizations (Ombudsman, departmental houses for the disabled, Halde) which, outside the judicial arena, participate in this rights policy via mediation, access to rights or rights attribution mechanisms. A faithful exploration of rights practices in public action, enriched by contributions from law, sociology and political science.

This article looks at gender-based inequalities in management careers in four general directorates of two ministries - economic and financial on the one hand, and social on the other - which contrast from the point of view of their feminization and the types of career. The survey is based on a hundred or so life stories of women and men. Beyond family upbringing and unequal access to the royal road of the ÉNA, the career blockages of women are detected at the heart of administrations, through the rules of availability, geographical mobility, and self-imposed homophilic co-optation. Policies of professional equality are struggling to change them, but they are bringing about a greater awareness of inequalities.

This chapter presents the theoretical issues of a sociological and political science reflection on the growing reference to rights and their use in public action. Approaching public action through rights makes it possible to go beyond the question of the framing of state action by law, according to the classic definition of the rule of law, and to ask how the state acts to make the rights recognized to individuals effective - which we propose to examine using the concept of the rights state. By mobilizing the work of the Law and Society movement and the sociology of the State, we study the conditions of possibility of this State of rights in the light of contemporary transformations of public action.

In their policy brief entitled "Why do women hold fewer positions of responsibility? Une analyse des promotions universitaires en économie 1" (Why do women occupy fewer positions of responsibility?), Clément Bosquet, Pierre-Philippe Combes, and Cecilia Garcia-Peñalosa make an important contribution to the analysis of gender inequalities in higher education and research in France, based on the conclusions of a working paper recently published by LIEPP (Bosquet, Combes, & Garcia Penalosa, 2014). From a methodological point of view, the two major advantages of their approach lie in the volume and quality of the database used and in the integration of a measure of the scientific production of the candidates in the analysis of promotions. This discussion returns to the interest of the results of the exploitation of these data and to the proposed explanations, before proposing a broadening of the questioning based on a problematization of the concept of gender. Indeed, while the authors tend to reduce it to a descriptive characteristic of individuals, the sociological analysis of gender as a social system allows us to question the institutional forces behind the inequalities observed.

No summary available.

The different forms of politicization of disability addressed in the contributions in this dossier can be considered through the prism of two structuring perspectives. The first concerns the boundaries of disability, from the advent of a category of public action to the practical modalities of its implementation and the work of categorization that this implies. The second concerns the approaches to disability, and will lead us to question the transition, which is fundamental to the field of disability studies, from a "medical model", in which disability is essentially thought of in terms of the individual's deficiencies, to a "social model", which considers disability in a situational manner in relation to the environment (Oliver, 1996).

No summary available.

This thesis examines the conditions of possibility and the modalities of advocacy for women in the state apparatus, based on a comparative study of governmental bodies whose official mission is to promote the status of women in France and in Quebec since the 1960s. Based on the archives of these bodies as well as on interviews with their leaders and staff, this research is part of a historical and comparative sociology of the State, integrating contributions from the sociology of law, gender and social movements. Beyond the analysis of the genesis and consolidation of the institutions studied, this thesis is interested in the way in which the cause of women is defined within them. From this point of view, the comparative analysis makes it possible to identify two distinct frames of reference for women's politics in France and Quebec, one focused on professional equality and the other on economic autonomy. These differences, insofar as they involve distinct relationships to family issues, can be linked to a different economy of relations between feminism and familialism in each socio-historical context. The comparative approach thus makes it possible to show how the balance of power and the variable relations between defenders of the cause of women and defenders of the cause of the family, both inside and outside the state (government bodies, social movements, producers of expertise), influence the definition of the cause of women in the state. This influence is first established through an analysis of the overall orientations of women's policy, and then through a more targeted study of the interventions of the bodies studied in the legal debates concerning the financial consequences of divorce (alimony, compensatory benefits, definition of matrimonial regimes).