PROST Corinne

This dissertation analyzes the effectiveness of public policies in achieving their three main objectives: attracting and retaining quality teachers, helping teachers improve, and matching teachers to students in order to reduce educational inequalities. Compared to most of the existing academic literature devoted to educational policies for teachers, this thesis broadens the scope of analysis to the role of actors little studied in the literature: recruitment exam juries, school inspectors and school principals, but also substitute teachers, whether they are tenured or contractual, and finally extends the discussion to the educational system as a whole through the analysis of a non-monetary incentive mechanism put in place to attract and retain teachers in disadvantaged schools.

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This thesis is composed of three chapters, each of which evaluates the effects of a spatialized housing policy in France. The first two chapters apply a quasi-experimental methodology to evaluate, for the first of them, the effects of Article 55 of the 2000 "Solidarités et Renouvellement Urbain" law, which aims at stimulating the construction of social housing in medium and large municipalities, and for the second the Scellier tax credit, which applies from 2008 to 2012 to rental investment targeted at low-income tenants. The evaluation focuses on several variables of interest: housing construction, but also real estate prices and the spatial segregation of income. The third chapter applies microsimulation methods to estimate the profile of the share of income devoted by households to paying the housing tax. It also proposes a simulation of this profile under the hypothesis of a revision of rental values, which constitute the tax base of this local tax and which, in the absence of any revision since they were introduced, reflect the market values of housing in the 1970s. The three chapters are based on the exploitation of databases produced by the tax administration or French notaries, which are exhaustive and very rich and which have been little used until now. The first two chapters show that the financial or fiscal incentives put in place make it possible to stimulate the local supply of social housing or private rental housing targeted at low-income households. Chapter 1 shows that this increase in social construction has led to a decrease in property prices and spatial segregation of incomes in the municipalities concerned. Chapter 2 shows that housing built under the Scellier scheme is more often vacant and that the measure has led to an increase in property prices in the areas treated, as a result of increased tension in the local housing markets, which is capitalized on in land prices. Finally, Chapter 3 shows that aligning the rental values that serve as a basis for the housing tax with the relative prices of housing observed in today's real estate markets leads to a radical change in the profile of the weight of this levy in household income as a function of that income: whereas this has the shape of a bell curve with a maximum tax effort for households around the median income for the tax in its current form, the revision studied leads to a more progressive profile for most French households.

This thesis focuses on the monetary incentives to work and to R&D in the French socio-fiscal system, their evolution and their effects. We first simulate the incentives to work more (intensive margin) and to return to work (extensive margin) for the entire French population, taking into account all taxes on labor income and means-tested benefits. We show that incentives have increased at the bottom of the distribution since 1998 as a result of reforms in the 2000s, and that marginal tax rates have shifted from a U-shape according to income levels to a tilde shape. Then, we assess individuals' behavioral responses to these work incentives from social and tax reforms between 2006 and 2015. We show that the effects of marginal rates on labor income are relatively small overall but highly heterogeneous across individual characteristics. The responses would be stronger for income tax reforms than for reforms on social benefits. Finally, we study subsidies and tax incentives for R&D (research tax credit and lower contributions for young innovative firms). We show that R&D subsidy rates increased the most in the 2000s for small firms. For these firms, we evaluate the effect of the strong increase in R&D subsidies on employment devoted to R&D activities. This effect would have been positive and increasing between 2004 and 2010, but less than the increase in aid received between 2008 and 2010.

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Although the educational results of young French people are in line with the OECD average, France is characterized by a strong divide between, on the one hand, an elite that excels and, on the other, students who accumulate difficulties, with a strong social determinism. In addition, every year, 100,000 young people leave the school system without a diploma.France's budgetary effort in favor of education. (First lines).

France stands out as a country with a low labor force attachment of older workers. A reversal in the trend of French labor participation rates over 50 is under way, partly due to the pension reforms that took place since 1993. The French ageing process is driven by large gains in life expectancy and Pension reforms allocate part of these gains to work rather than to retirement. The implicit assumptions guiding the reforms have been that additional years of life are years with a health status that can be considered reasonably compatible with work. If this is not the case, the idea of sharing these additional years of life between work and retirement is questionable. Considering mortality and health status, we question the fact that the reforms may have gone too far in increasing the retire.

France stands out as a country with a low labor force attachment of older workers. A reversal in the trend of French labor participation rates over 50 is under way, partly due to the pension reforms that took place since 1993. The French ageing process is driven by large gains in life expectancy and Pension reforms allocate part of these gains to work rather than to retirement. The implicit assumptions guiding the reforms have been that additional years of life are years with a health status that can be considered reasonably compatible with work. If this is not the case, the idea of sharing these additional years of life between work and retirement is questionable. Considering mortality and health status, we question the fact that the reforms may have gone too far in increasing the retirement age. To tackle these issues, we rely on two different methodological approaches developed in the economic literature: one based on the gap in employment rates across time for given mortality rates. the other using the work/health relationship measured at certain ages to predict the health-related work capacity of older age groups at the same period of time. Both methods aim at providing measures of additional work capacity. This capacity may be defined as a measure of the distance between current retirement ages and what we call the “health barrier”, i.e. the age at which health prevents people from working longer. Both methods predict high average levels of additional work capacity. However, the picture becomes somewhat different when disaggregating the results by social groups or education. Our results emphasize the idea that policies aiming at activating any estimated additional work capacity should take into account, when possible, the heterogeneity of health conditions in the population. Moreover, additional work capacity cannot be a general indicator of how much seniors should work. The methods used here indeed leave aside many factors that determine the employment rate of older workers.

France stands out as a country with a low labor force attachment of older workers. A reversal in the trend of French labor participation rates over 50 is under way, partly due to the pension reforms that took place since 1993. The French ageing process is driven by large gains in life expectancy and Pension reforms allocate part of these gains to work rather than to retirement. The implicit assumptions guiding the reforms have been that additional years of life are years with a health status that can be considered reasonably compatible with work. If this is not the case, the idea of sharing these additional years of life between work and retirement is questionable.Considering mortality and health status, we question the fact that the reforms may have gone too far in increasing the retirement age. To tackle these issues, we rely on two different methodological approaches developed in the economic literature: one based on the gap in employment rates across time for given mortality rates. the other using the work/health relationship measured at certain ages to predict the health-related work capacity of older age groups at the same period of time. Both methods aim at providing measures of additional work capacity. This capacity may be defined as a measure of the distance between current retirement ages and what we call the “health barrier”, i.e. the age at which health prevents people from working longer.Both methods predict high average levels of additional work capacity. However, the picture becomes somewhat different when disaggregating the results by social groups or education. Our results emphasize the idea that policies aiming at activating any estimated additional work capacity should take into account, when possible, the heterogeneity of health conditions in the population. Moreover, additional work capacity cannot be a general indicator of how much seniors should work. The methods used here indeed leave aside many factors that determine the employment rate of older workers.

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No summary available.

No summary available.

No summary available.