CARCILLO Stephane

The causes, costs and measurement of discrimination in the workplace have been the subject of much research, and this groundbreaking book presents the results for a wide range of social groups: women, seniors, LGBT people, ethnic and religious minorities, and people discriminated against because of their physical appearance. Discrimination is omnipresent and creeps into every stage of the career path, from application to hiring, to loss of a job and chances of promotion. It even manifests itself in the education years, influencing skill acquisition as well as career choices. The causes, costs, and measurement of discrimination in the workplace are the subject of multiple research studies and experiments, the results of which this innovative book presents for a wide range of social groups: women, senior citizens, LGBT people, ethnic and religious minorities, and people discriminated against because of their physical appearance. This book is also the first to propose a series of measures which, well beyond a strictly punitive approach, show that discrimination in the workplace is not inevitable and can be fought.

Ubiquitous, discrimination creeps into every stage of the career path, from application to hiring to job loss to promotion opportunities. It even manifests itself in the education years, influencing skill acquisition as well as career choices. The causes, costs, and measurement of discrimination in the workplace are the subject of multiple research studies and experiments, the results of which this innovative book presents for a wide range of social groups: women, senior citizens, LGBT people, ethnic and religious minorities, and people discriminated against because of their physical appearance. This book is also the first to propose a series of measures which, well beyond a strictly punitive approach, show that discrimination in the workplace is not inevitable and can be fought. (Editor's summary).

Discrimination is pervasive, creeping into every stage of a career path, from application to hiring to loss of employment to opportunities for promotion. It even manifests itself in the education years, in?uencing skill acquisition as well as career choices. The causes, costs and measurement of discrimination in the workplace are the subject of numerous research studies and experiments, and this innovative book presents the results for a wide range of social groups: women, seniors, LGBT people, ethnic and religious minorities, and people discriminated against because of their physical appearance. This book is also the first to propose a series of measures which, well beyond a strictly punitive approach, show that discrimination in the workplace is not inevitable and can be fought.

This paper analyzes the effectiveness of hiring credits. Using comprehensive administrative data, we show that the French hiring credit, implemented during the Great Recession, had significant positive employment effects and no effects on wages. Relying on the quasi-experimental variation in labor cost triggered by the hiring credit, we estimate a structural search and matching model. Simulations of counterfactual policies show that the effectiveness of the hiring credit relied to a large extent on three features: it was nonanticipated, temporary and targeted at jobs with rigid wages. We estimate that the cost per job created by permanent hiring credits, either countercyclical or time-invariant, in an environment with flexible wages would have been much higher.

This paper analyzes the effectiveness of hiring credits. Using comprehensive administrative data, we show that the French hiring credit, implemented during the Great Recession, had significant positive employment effects and no effects on wages. Relying on the quasi-experimental variation in labor cost triggered by the hiring credit, we estimate a structural search and matching model. Simulations of counterfactual policies show that the effectiveness of the hiring credit relied to a large extent on three features: it was nonanticipated, temporary and targeted at jobs with rigid wages. We estimate that the cost per job created by permanent hiring credits, either countercyclical or time-invariant, in an environment with flexible wages would have been much higher.

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"French youth is cut in two, some get by and others don't. Why is this so? This divide is the result of an elitist social system where school and the job market serve as sorting machines. The result: the weakest are relentlessly eliminated. Left out, they tend to desert the ballot box and deny the foundations of democracy. This severe diagnosis established by the authors in the two previous editions of "La machine à trier" is unfortunately the same: the situation of French youth has still not improved. This new, completely updated edition confirms the persistent difficulties of youth, refutes the idea of a common destiny for a generation and proposes a radical revision of our elitist integration model. [Source: 4th cover].

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The mission of any training and education system should be to ensure that all young people, regardless of their social background, have the skills that guarantee their independence. In France, however, we allow nearly 120,000 young people to leave school each year without any qualifications due to a lack of early intervention and adapted methods. However, it is possible to change the destiny of young people from disadvantaged backgrounds, as the rich American experience in this area shows. For nearly four decades, the United States has invested tens of billions of dollars each year in innovative programs, and has evaluated their impact on the future of young people. By analyzing what has proven to be the most effective American practices over the long term, Stéphane Carcillo proposes a radically new approach to supporting young people in difficulty on their way to work.

The purpose of unemployment insurance is to compensate unemployment episodes as well as possible while limiting their duration. Far from fulfilling this mission, the French system operates a large-scale redistribution between sectors of activity and salary levels. Its limited effectiveness encourages job instability and contributes to maintaining high unemployment. Yet, there is considerable room for manoeuvre to limit these transfers and the optimisation behaviour they encourage. The system should be refocused on individual incentives to remain in employment and return to work, and its management should be made more coherent through better coordination between insurance and job seeker support.

This paper presents an overview of the situation of youth in OECD countries since the onset of the financial crisis focusing primarily on describing the characteristics and living conditions of young NEETs. It also provides data on the availability, coverage and effectiveness of income-support policies for young people, and summarises available evidence on the impact of interventions that aim at improving the social, education and employment situation of the most disadvantaged youth. Due to the paper’s explicit focus on the hardest-to-place, most disadvantaged youth, the range of policies covered is broader than in earlier studies on the same topic, including various social benefits and in-kind services targeted at this group. The paper shows that NEET rates have not yet recovered from the crisis. There are large differences in youth unemployment and inactivity across countries, and these differences were further exacerbated by the recession. Reducing NEET rates is a great challenge for governments, as youth who remain jobless for long periods typically come from more disadvantaged backgrounds, have low levels of educational attainment, and are in many cases inactive. There is substantial evidence, however, that even the most disadvantaged youth can benefit from a variety of targeted interventions, including for instance special education programmes and mentoring.

The 4th cover.

This landmark textbook published by The MIT Press combines depth and breadth of coverage with recent, cutting-edge work in all the major areas of modern labor economics. Its command of the literature and its coverage of the latest theoretical, methodological, and empirical developments make it also a valuable resource for practicing labor economists. This second edition has been substantially updated and augmented. It devotes more space to the analysis of public policy and the levers available to policy makers, with new chapters on such topics as discrimination, globalization, income redistribution, employment protection, and the minimum wage or labor market programs for the unemployed. Theories are explained on the basis of the simplest possible models, which are in turn related to empirical results. Mathematical appendixes provide a toolkit for understanding the models. The book incorporates examples drawn from many countries, and it presents empirical methods using contributions that have proved to be milestones in labor economics. The data and codes of these research publications, as well as numerous tables and figures (with corresponding data and do files) describing the functioning of labor markets, are all available on this website along with slides that can be used as course aids. For each chapter, we provide 3 sets of slides (with pdf, tex files and figures). A «basic» set, that can be used to teach the basics of the chapter to undergraduate students. an «advanced» set, with more advanced material for graduate students. and a «complete» set that you can use to elaborate your own courses. There are also slides provided by users of Labor Economics. (Publisher's abstract).

The back cover states: "The purpose of unemployment insurance is to provide the best possible compensation for episodes of unemployment while limiting their duration. Far from fulfilling this mission, the French system operates a large-scale redistribution between sectors of activity and salary levels. Its limited effectiveness encourages job instability and contributes to maintaining high unemployment. Yet, there is considerable room for manoeuvre to limit these transfers and the optimisation behaviour they encourage. The system must be refocused on individual incentives to remain in employment and return to work, and its management must be made more coherent through better coordination between insurance and support for job seekers.

No summary available.

The purpose of unemployment insurance is to compensate unemployment episodes as well as possible while limiting their duration. Far from fulfilling this mission, the French system operates a large-scale redistribution between sectors of activity and salary levels. Its limited effectiveness encourages job instability and contributes to maintaining high unemployment. Yet, there is considerable room for manoeuvre to limit these transfers and the optimisation behaviour they encourage. The system must be refocused on individual incentives to remain in employment and to return to work, and its management must be made more coherent through better coordination between insurance and support for job seekers. (Editor's summary).

French youth is cut in two, some make it, others don't. This divide is the result of an elitist social system where school and the labor market serve as sorting machines. In the end, the weakest are relentlessly eliminated, while being practically excluded from social assistance until the age of 25. Left out, they tend to desert the ballot box and deny the foundations of democracy. It is urgent to attack the roots of the problem: school failure and the insurmountable obstacles that the job market puts in front of those who do not have a diploma. We must also break down the barriers of our political system so that young people can find their place in it. But in the meantime, we can't leave so many young people on the sidelines. There are ways to give them a second chance without being lax. If we continue to do nothing, the risk of a deflagration of the republican pact will grow day by day. (Editor's summary).

The 4th cover states: "French youth is split in two, some make it, others don't. This split is the result of an elitist social system where school and the job market serve as sorting machines. This divide is the result of an elitist social system where school and the job market serve as sorting machines. In the end, the weakest are relentlessly eliminated, while being practically excluded from social assistance until the age of 25. Left out, they tend to desert the ballot box and deny the foundations of democracy. It is urgent to attack the roots of the problem: school failure and the insurmountable obstacles that the job market puts in front of those who do not have a diploma. We must also break down the barriers of our political system so that young people can find their place in it. But in the meantime, we can't leave so many young people on the sidelines. There are ways to give them a second chance without being lax. If we continue to do nothing, the risk of the republican pact exploding will increase day by day".

Young French people are experiencing particularly high unemployment compared to their elders. This situation has worsened over the past 10 years. At the end of 2012, the unemployment rate for 15-24 year olds reached 24%, well above the OECD average of 17%, and well below the 8.1% prevailing in Germany. The unemployment rate for 25-49 year olds is 8.5 percent. The ratio of unemployment between youth and adults is now 1 to 3. [First paragraph of the chapter].

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France and Germany are two polar cases in the European debate about rising youth unemployment. Similar to what can be observed in Southern European countries, a “lost generation” may arise in France. In stark contrast, youth unemployment has been on continuous decline in Germany for many years, hardly affected by the Great Recession. This paper analyzes the diametrically opposed developments in the two countries to derive policy lessons. As the fundamental differences in youth unemployment primarily result from structural differences in labor policy and in the (vocational) education system, short-term oriented policies do not address the core of the problems. Ultimately, the youth unemployment disease in France and in other European countries has to be cured with structural reforms.

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The purpose of this thesis is to contribute to the analysis of the interactions between job and worker flows on the one hand, and some of the institutions that influence wage formation and labor market adjustments on the other. First, the methodological framework of the research models in which this work is embedded is recalled, and the influence of the wage formation model on the role of institutional factors is illustrated. The analytical portfolio thus identified is then illuminated by a description of the institutions of the labor market that questions the mode of formation favored in these models - bilateral bargaining - and reveals the importance of system effects. We then explore the consequences of an alternative hypothesis - the wage supply - in the joint analysis of the minimum wage, employment protection and the use of temporary forms of employment. This analysis reveals the ambiguity of the impact of certain institutional factors on the unemployment rate. First, when there is monopsony competition between firms, the influence of the minimum wage is more ambivalent than when wages are negotiated bilaterally. Second, as in bargaining models, while transfers in the case of layoffs have no influence on the flow of jobs and workers, other employment protection measures have an undetermined impact on the unemployment rate. Third, in this framework, the use of fixed-term contracts also has an ambiguous influence on labor market performance and, moreover, poses the problem of consistency with other employment policies.