ROSANVALLON Pierre

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A reflection on democracy and its fundamental characteristics such as the practice of fundamental rights, the experience of freedom and the exercise by citizens of their rights including that of personally contributing to the formation of the law. Electre 2017.

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This prosoprographic study focuses on twenty Chinese scholars and their proposals for political reform. They engage in the public sphere to take stock of the urgent "problems" to be solved in order to "save China", and to defend certain values. After analyzing the status of researchers and the contours of academic freedom, this survey paints an intellectual portrait of two generations of a certain type of Chinese intellectuals, marked by the Cultural Revolution and the end of the revolution. If these researchers are caught up in the technocratic game, it is most certainly because they have renounced revolutionary ruptures and adhere more or less to the official discourse on the primordial role of the single Party in the development and maintenance of stability given the insufficient "quality" of the population. From the 1990s onwards, the intelligentsia was affected by the rise of nationalism and by a reflection on the contribution of "tradition" to China's modernization. They are fragmented around the assessment of the policy of reform and opening up and the future of the Chinese regime. Their conception of the democracy to be introduced in China can be qualified as conditional because, it is frequently said, it must wait its time in order to ensure that it will be a solution to the various crises (moral, social, rural, national, procedural, etc.) and not an additional problem. But it is also conditional because of the uncertainty of the definition given to it: this implies a distancing from Western definitions, thus opposed to a Chinese conception of democracy.

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The back cover states: "Power has long been conceived of as an asset held by certain individuals or social groups. Expressions such as "conquer" and "take power" reflect this idea. Who really holds the power: the rulers? Global finance? This or that social group? In what form(s) is it exercised? These are all aspects that the human and social sciences have been exploring for several decades. Today, power is analyzed rather in terms of relations - of domination, of influence, of authority. - These relationships are all the more complex because they are part of a globalized and diffuse context. This book provides the keys to understanding the different forms of power, from relationships between individuals to international relations. After presenting the main concepts related to the notion of power (authority, legitimacy, power, governance, separation of powers, authoritarian and totalitarian power.) and then the major authors (from Hobbes to Hegel, from Hannah Arendt to Michel Foucault.), the book examines the dynamics at work, through the various places of power (State, family, interest groups, international organizations, media.). Finally, it reports on the new debates on this subject: are we witnessing a decline in institutions? How is power being recomposed in contemporary democracies? What forms of global governance are emerging?

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Civil society versus the Jacobin state seems to be a summary of French history over the past two centuries. But the opposition is not so simple, and the state has always developed institutions to interface with unions and associations. To understand the French path to social democracy, the study of the inter-war period is a privileged field. The forerunner of the current Economic and Social Council, the National Economic Council, an institution created in 1925 and abolished in 1940, was a specific response to the debates on corporatism and the place of the unions in relation to the legislative and executive powers. A place of confrontation between workers, bosses, farmers, craftsmen and engineers, the CNE was also a space for expressing the transformations of the French high administration, which was then building up a new economic expertise. Caught up in the debates linked to the economic crisis of the 1930s, the CNE's action was linked to the questioning of liberalism and the development of a managed economy. Finally, the Council played a major role in the application of the social laws of the Popular Front, and in particular the law on the reduction of working hours (the 40-hour week). Based on the examination of a considerable mass of archives, often unpublished, this book helps to better understand the confrontations between the social partners and the State and attempts to "take the institution seriously", thus drawing up a political, social and economic history of France in the 1920s and 1930s. In the current context of social reform, debates on trade union representativeness and the development of an international civil society, the history of an original institution helps us to better understand the challenges of tomorrow.

This thesis aims to relate contemporary transformations of democratic legitimacy to the participatory boom of recent decades. It takes Argentina as an illustration, developing a field survey in the municipalities of Moron, Rosario and Ciudad de Buenos Aires in the period 2007-2010. The starting point is the definition of the "legitimacy of proximity", as a new form of legitimacy in terms of the attributes that politicians must display. It implies a new type of identification between representatives and represented, called "anti-charismatic identification", where politicians must present themselves as "ordinary men". The legitimacy of proximity is manifested in political representation, but finds its most institutionalized form in "participatory devices". We therefore try to demonstrate how these devices are today the institutions of proximity. We sketch a classification of the devices according to the aspects of the legitimacy of proximity that crystallize in them, distinguishing five types: the devices of participation-experience, like the participative budget . the devices of participation-presence, like the banca abierta and the concejo en los barrios . participation-whistle-blowing mechanisms, such as the anti-corruption office . participation-immediacy mechanisms, such as the urban hygiene commission and the safety forums . and finally, participation-recognition mechanisms, such as the councils of adults and people with special needs and the youth participatory budget.

This prosoprographic study focuses on twenty Chinese scholars and their proposals for political reform. They engage in the public sphere to take stock of the urgent "problems" to be solved in order to "save China", and to defend certain values. After analyzing the status of researchers and the contours of academic freedom, this survey paints an intellectual portrait of two generations of a certain type of Chinese intellectuals, marked by the Cultural Revolution and the end of the revolution. If these researchers are caught up in the technocratic game, it is most certainly because they have renounced revolutionary ruptures and adhere more or less to the official discourse on the primordial role of the single Party in the development and maintenance of stability given the insufficient "quality" of the population. From the 1990s onwards, the intelligentsia was affected by the rise of nationalism and by a reflection on the contribution of "tradition" to China's modernization. They are fragmented around the assessment of the policy of reform and opening up and the future of the Chinese regime. Their conception of the democracy to be introduced in China can be qualified as conditional because, it is frequently said, it must wait its time in order to ensure that it will be a solution to the various crises (moral, social, rural, national, procedural, etc.) and not an additional problem. But it is also conditional because of the uncertainty of the definition given to it: this implies a distancing from Western definitions, thus opposed to a Chinese conception of democracy.

This thesis questions the apparent "contradiction" between civil and political equality and the exclusion from common law of the citizens of the French West Indies colonies after the abolition of slavery. This paradox is resituated within the general economy of French citizenship and at the crossroads of the history of the legal status of persons in the French colonial empire during the second nineteenth century. The investigation traces, in the long time, a conceptual genealogy of the French citizenship from its margin. It shows that the civil and political equality of individuals does not lead to full inclusion in the city: the community of citizens does not end with the granting of rights. The setting aside of the former slaves citizens is based on the political and moral evaluation, according to the ideal of coincidence between liberal autonomous individual and modern citizen, of the social and historical heritages of the societies to which they belong: the universalization of the rights and the generalization of the law require the belonging of the individuals to a same social ethos. At the head of modern principles, the alteration of equals is based on the assignment of individuals to the social and historical heritages that have shaped them. It operates in this way as a mechanism of racialization: exclusion proceeds from a politicization of origins. French citizenship has not always been unitary or abstract - as much to include as to exclude. Its historical construction was articulated to a certain modality of "race", the latter being understood not simply in colorist terms, but in "civilizational" or "cultural" terms.

During the revolutions in Hispanic America in the early nineteenth century, some twenty republics were organized on the continent after three hundred years of monarchy. More than a form of government, the republic refers to the institution of a new political community, and to a language of public freedom, virtue, patriotism and the common good. The construction of the republic is part of a long history of res publica, originally conceptualized by Cicero and reformulated in different contexts in the Atlantic world, including that of the Hispanic monarchy. The thought of the res publica is based on everything that makes a group of men a political community: the law, the citizen, the homeland, religion. Implemented by cities in revolt against the monarchy, such as the United Provinces in the Netherlands in the 17th century, this thought is also characteristic of Hispanic jurists and theologians. The references to the republic as a political body shape an anti-absolutist discourse, eclipsed in the eighteenth century during the Bourbons. With the monarchic crisis, following the royal abdications in 1808, a scenario of political experimentation centered on the cities was set up, to respond to the unprecedented problem of the representation of the absent sovereign. The constitution of the government juntas in Hispanic America, opens the revolution and the war. The case of the United Provinces of the Rio de la Plata and its revolutionaries, republicans and Catholics, illustrates well the tensions and ambiguities of the construction of a disincorporated republic. It also highlights the constituent issues of Spanish-American republicanism.

The thesis studies in a comparative way the first European implementation of universal suffrage (direct male) which took place both during the Second Republic and during the Italian democratic experiences (Venice, Roman States, Tuscany). At the level of discourse and law, the thesis analyzes the debates from the Thirties and the codifications of the years 1848-49, while, as far as practices are concerned, it focuses on the convocation of the French and Roman constituent assemblies. This multidimensional approach allows us to verify that the collective character of the 1848-49 vote is not the result of the interaction of an archaic society and vision of politics with supposedly modern institutions, but the consequence of conceptions of suffrage and their translation into electoral legislation. In short, the protagonist is not the individual voter, but the "voting people", celebrated for their wisdom and their natural inclination to make good choices.

In order to analyze the complexity of the American cultural system, this research starts from the role of the State (Part 1 "Politics of Culture") which follows the creation of federal cultural agencies, their decline and deciphers the "policies of culture" of American administrations until today. At the same time, the role of states and cities is analyzed through the decentralized mechanisms of cultural funding. At this point, it is possible to understand the reasons for the weakness of the public role. In a second part ("The society of culture"), the research is based on an analysis of philanthropy, foundations and the major role of universities in art. Based on hundreds of archival documents (434 of which are included in the appendices) and more than 700 interviews conducted in 35 states and 110 American cities, the American cultural "model" appears in its originality and complexity, neither dependent on the State nor truly influenced by the market.

This thesis is devoted to the analysis of the discourse of the first French republican socialists, the "fraternitarian socialists", and their attempt to think fraternity in an individualist perspective. The first chapter presents the transformations of French society that influenced this socialist discourse (urban fabric, industrialization by workshops, democratic public space in definition, economics in progressive autonomization, religion in society leaving religion). The following chapters identify themes of this discourse: power (social power, association, revolution), individual property and its overcoming, social conflict. The concluding chapter reveals the model of socio-political organization underlying this discourse, a "corporatist republican" model. Despite, or thanks to, its simplicity, the idea of "total recomposition" shows logical constructions and insurmountable contradictions of the first phase of democracy.

The investigation focuses on the support given by European societies to the Greek war of independence. This movement is studied first as a collective phenomenon: organizations, forms of mobilization, dimensions of deployment, overall significance. The mobilization of individuals is the subject of a second part: how they enrolled in the movement, how this participation took place in their lives. The multiform and scattered investments of the philhellenes in the rear are distinguished from the more crucial experience of the philhellenes at the front, captured through its characteristic moments (departure and return, travel and war). Often disappointing on a personal level, this mobilization was globally a success, despite the limits of Greek independence to which it contributed. In the longer term, philhellenism can be seen as the matrix of an internationalism that has since taken on many faces.

The object of the thesis is the progressive transformation of the nature of sovereignty and the modes of its exercise during the 19th century. In this context, the Parliament, with its institutional evolution from the system of notables to that of parties, constitutes a privileged point of observation. More precisely, the object of the thesis is the debate that fueled the whole century on the legislative procedure and on the choice between the system of offices and that of the special commissions. Far from being a technical question, this debate crosses on the one hand the relations between the sphere of the political and the social, by showing us the long evolution of a conception of the parliament as a place of sociability, "melting pot" of a homogeneous national elite, according to the model of the salons and the English clubs, until the affirmation of the politics as profession. On the other hand, the opposition between a conception of politics (very much in the majority during the 1800s) which only accepts pluralism and division within a holistic vision, and the defenders of parties and a pluralist vision of society. We have chosen to approach these questions with a comparative approach, with the objective of showing the existence of a homogeneous European political culture (and in particular in Italy and France). Finally, as far as the chosen methodology is concerned, in approaching this question we have not sketched an "evolutionary profile" of Parliamentary Law, but, rather, an "intellectual history of institutions", that is, a history that aims to confront the different debates and deliberations and to study the relationship that is created in each case between the prescriptive element of the norm, the cultural element of the theory and the factual element of the practice.

This research aims to reconstruct the experience of the Belgian neo-babouvist movement of the 1930s. It is based on the analysis of 400 unpublished works. It is based on a rhetorical analysis of revolutionary writings apprehended in their political and cultural contexts. It falls within the framework of political studies (with a historical subject) and is inspired by the research of Claude Lefort and Pierre Rosanvallon. It seeks to understand the revolutionary experience in its complexity and to shed light on its implicit aspects. Its methodology is in line with the New Rhetoric (Chaïm Perelman) and pragmatics. It is an extension of the studies of Marcelo Dascal. Compared to political and historical studies, its specificity lies in the attempt to go beyond the historiography of concepts, to bring rhetoric back to its classical function, that of an art of persuasion. It studies the relationship between rhetoric and politics in their reciprocity and through their dynamics. It also seeks to broaden the methodological framework that inspires it by complementing the analysis of voluntary rhetorical strategies with those of involuntary rhetorical forms (rhetorical molds), which sometimes run counter to their declared objectives. The application of these principles to the study of Belgian neo-Babouvism has led us to establish a correlation between a rhetorical form, namely the oxymoron, and a politico-historical positioning - the deep ambivalence of Belgian revolutionaries towards their national revolution.

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This political sociology thesis traces the history of the federal old-age insurance program from its inception in 1935 to the contemporary debate over its future. Through a systematic analysis of the legislative history of this program, it seeks to explain its exceptional destiny within the framework of American social federalism. Divided into five chapters, this work explores the three main moments in the history of the federal old-age insurance system: its establishment during the New Deal (chapters ii and iii), its gradual expansion in the post-war period (chapter iv) and, finally, its reappraisal since the late 1970s (chapter v). In order to place this history in its institutional and socio-political context, the first chapter proposes a historical introduction to the problem of pensions. Theoretically, this work is articulated around a critique of neo-institutionalism, a theoretical approach popularized, among others, by Paul Pierson and Theda Skocpol. While doing justice to the structuring influence of political institutions, the method employed also takes into account the role of societal ideas and paradigms in the elaboration and transformation of social policies. Moreover, a close look at the evolution of the system of action of pension policy allows us to invalidate the theory of bureaucratic hegemony (Cates, Derthick, Weaver), which presents the federal experts as the main architects of this policy that developed after 1935.

In two quite different historical and political contexts, French and Hungarian liberals reflect on the same questions. In Hungary, as in all countries where the program of social transformation must be elaborated in the presence of a foreign power, the "classical" objectives of a liberal political conception are complemented by national demands. The elements of the two dominant ideologies of the century, liberalism and nationalism, were combined. In Hungary, the intellectual effervescence that characterized the period 1830-1848, called the era of reforms, was born of the ambition to "catch up" with Western Europe in terms of progress. In the absence of a strong middle class capable of leading the country on the path of progress, the progressive nobility took on this role in Hungary. This reformist generation imbibed the ideas of its time and adopted their way of thinking. Within Hungarian reformist thought, which is generally and often wrongly called liberalism, we can distinguish several currents, as the Hungarian reformist thinkers explored a multitude of directions. One of them is represented by a group of thinkers thinking in European terms, called the centralists. Jozsef eotvos and his collaborators in Hungary, and the political theorists of the July Monarchy in France, were thinking about the same problems. The questions they raise all revolve around three main themes: the problem of revolution and the idea of the need to control passions; the conflicting relationship of the two dominant ideas of the century, freedom and equality; the question of social cohesion and the redefinition of the role of the state in its relationship to the individual and to society

In classical political thought, federalism often appears to be incompatible with the concept of sovereignty: the division of political authority between the government of the union and the governments of the states appears to be opposed to the dogma of "one and indivisible" sovereign power, which is presented as a necessary condition for a well-organized political order. The historical study of the controversy surrounding sovereignty, during the period of the founding and ratification of the American federal constitution, highlights the creation of a political entity in which there is no longer a sovereign, neither the states, nor the union, nor even the people (whose constituent power excludes any participation in government). This analysis leads to a critique of the classical, unitary concept of sovereignty, which must be abandoned in the context of a liberal and democratic political theory, where federalism and constitutionalism both express the necessary division of power.

The question of American identity underwent a turning point in the 1960s. From the emphasis, both in the social sciences and in the political debate, on a liberal pluralism open to cultural diversity but politically integrative, even assimilationist, designed by the founding fathers and fed by immigration of various origins, American society has moved on to a new grammar of pluralism, the rules of which are dictated by identity differentiation based on cultural criteria claimed as determinant by minorities, in legal terms in particular in the public space: "race", gender, ethnicity, sexual behavior. The purpose of this thesis is to shed light, in the American socio-historical context of the 1960s to the present, on this new way of formulating the American identity question through three of the major currents of ideas that have set out to answer it: republicanism, communitarianism and multiculturalism. These three currents have as their common point of departure the criticism of a classical liberal interpretation of American identity that they consider inadequate to the demands of the identity turn. The different readings of contemporary American identity given by the authors who embody these currents make it possible to draw the contours of a new political approach to American liberalism. Beyond the American example, they also allow us to question the content of modern identity, both individual and collective, in modern liberal democratic societies, and thus provide answers to the challenges they face today.

This work is at the same time about the history of liberal political thought in France -in particular that of Ch. De Remusat- and about a classical problem of political theory, that of the conditions of synthesis between democracy and liberalism, between the liberal tradition of the defense of individual rights and the democratic tradition of participation in the life of the city. It is divided into four parts. The first part, profiles, aims at presenting a biographical sketch of ch. De Remusat. It aims especially at showing the way in which he combined his public and intellectual activities. The second, ideas, analyzes the strongly critical view that the liberal family had of the "democratic idea" -around which the first ideas of de Remusat were formed- as well as the process of his own intellectual and political formation, bringing out the double influence of constant and guizot. The third part, certainties, focuses on the 1820s, and examines how Remusat conceives of the effects of the revolution and its main legacy, the egalitarian principle, and how the conception of representative government elaborated by the doctrinaires resolves the question of which political regime is best suited to govern this democratic society haunted by a kind of constitutive uncertainty. Finally, the fourth part, reconstructions, goes through the reflexion of a former doctrinaire who in the maturity of his life revises his youthful certainties, carried away by the need to understand the absolute failure of the representative government founded on the sovereignty of reason, He was carried away by the need to understand the absolute failure of representative government based on the sovereignty of reason, and by the need to reflect on the new challenge that -for the liberal tradition- the democratic society under the second empire poses, namely, its tendency to combine the sovereignty of numbers and centralization in a new form of despotism.

When one seeks to situate women politically in the first half of the nineteenth century, the answer seems to be self-evident: deprived of the right to vote, they are excluded from the revolutionary, universal and individualistic citizenship as defined from 1789. The observation of their exclusion, of an irreproachable objectivity, does not however account for their political situation as it was thought at that time (from 1789 to 1848). Few historians or political scientists have examined the way in which the electoral franchise was calculated: everything happens as if it were paid individually, i.e. on the basis of the properties of the citizen alone. However, not only does the citizen, if he is married, pay the contributions in the name of the community of goods that he forms with his wife, but he can also, according to the electoral laws from the year X to 1831 included, have the contributions of other members of the family added to him, even if they are of age and male. The fact that the family is, during this whole period, thought of as a political unit leads to reconsider the situation of people, which can no longer be grasped through a univocal approach, in terms of "who votes" and "who does not vote". It is as members of the family that women remain outside political participation, just as it is as pater familias that the citizen is invested with the individual right to vote on behalf of the whole nation. Only by working on the implicit categories of political construction could what has been called a familialist conception of suffrage emerge, characteristic of the entire revolutionary period (1789-1848). Thus, in addition to the resolution of the so-called problem of the exclusion of women, our current conception of the revolutionary political individual is also modified, and it is more evolving than one might have thought.

Modern political parties are generally thought of as political realities, constituted as such from their origin. As instruments, modern organizations were indeed conceived as such when they were created. But as a human grouping, they were thought of, on the contrary, as realities ignoring the distinction between social and political. The nineteenth century was indeed characterized by the pursuit of an ideal: the existence of social groups endowed with subjectivity or sovereignty, according to an organicist model. But the realization of this ideal seemed to be compromised, since the democratization of the right to vote, by democratic formalism. During the years 1870-1900, the creation of modern political organizations was then conceived as a movement to achieve this ideal. In this respect, modern organizations came into being in opposition to what is today inseparable from the political party, democratic formalism. These two perspectives on the origins of the modern party are not contradictory. Their coexistence is linked to the particular nature of the political sphere of that time, which certainly existed, but did not know the degree of autonomy from the social that characterizes it today. The modern organization was a political object when it was conceived within the framework of this sphere. It was not when it was thought of on its margins. To think together these two dimensions requires to associate the consideration of democratic imperatives and individual strategies, with that of the conceptions of the social and the political.

Too often ignored, the municipal elections established under the July Monarchy mobilized a much larger electorate than the legislative level - almost three million voters - and called to the polls voters who were sometimes very modest in rural areas. These elections do not allow for the learning of a political modernity consisting in an individual, free and considered vote, intervening within the framework of pluralist debates. A deepening of the notion of "political archaism" of the countryside leads to the rehabilitation of the scheme of a free voter and to insist on the inadmissibility of political pluralism within communities that refuse any principle of division. In addition, the idea of an apprenticeship in politics presupposes the progressive diffusion of political modernity from the cities to the countryside. But cities are an uncertain cradle of political modernity: if partisan pluralism is certainly present there, it is poorly accepted, and conceived as temporary. It does not appear to be necessary for a democratic life, because politics is not itself thought of as a sphere of the permanent institution of the social based on a fundamentally individualistic principle. The adoption of an anthropological approach to political modernization, consisting in studying the social conceptions at the basis of the observed practices, thus leads to reject the idea of a progressive learning of political modernity linked to a corollary evolution of social practices and conceptions. The result of a set of uncontrolled, chaotic, even inadmissible interactions - in relation to the conceptions of the time - between individual wills, governmental projects and social conceptions, modernization resides more...