SAFI Mirna

In this article, we combine intersectional and organization theoretical insights and ask how different types of inequality are related within French workplaces. Our motivation is to clarify the meaning of workplaces as “inequality regimes” by asking if workplaces reinforce multiple inequalities or if there are tradeoffs between them. Using French administrative data and novel techniques, we scrutinize correlations between class, gender and nativity wage gaps at the workplace level. We also study how each of these gaps relate to a fourth measure of wage inequality we call intra-categorical inequality (i.e within the three-level cross-categorization class×gender×nativity). We discuss two sets of findings. First gender and nativity wage gaps are negatively correlated within workplaces. Second, while the gender gap is higher in more unequal workplaces, the nativity gap is higher in more equal workplaces. Finally, we also ask how industry, urban environment, and various workplace characteristics affect these patterns. Our findings suggest that workplaces are not just sites of producing multidimensional inequality, but sites which specialize in inequality types.

The widespread use of CVs to apply for jobs has led to the development of experimental research (known as correspondence studies or testing), which is based on targeted manipulation of the profile of candidates in fictitious CVs sent by researchers in response to job offers. Two recent meta-analyses (1 and 2) show that discrimination is significant regardless of the country or minority group studied, but the phenomenon is particularly widespread in Europe. Studies conducted in France to measure discrimination against applicants of North African or sub-Saharan African origin show exceptionally high levels. [First paragraph].

To what extent does the Covid-19 disrupt our daily lives? How is the French population experiencing the confinement? To what extent are social inequalities exacerbated and social cohesion threatened? The CoCo project provides some answers to these topical questions by comparing living conditions in France before and after the blockade. This is the third preliminary report in the series that we will publish in the coming weeks. Here we analyze how French society has coped with the first 6 weeks of lockdown, particularly with regard to changes in working conditions and social life. We continue to monitor self-reported elements of health and well-being as in the previous 2 issues.

In the beginning of 2020, the idea of a worldwide pandemic was not on most people’s minds, let alone the concept of a lockdown. But as this Covid-19 year comes to a close, governments around the globe have instituted stay-at-home orders and other restrictions. In France, people have now experienced two national lockdowns. The first spring lockdown, lasting two months, was severe with schools, outdoor public spaces, and most workplaces closed. The second fall lockdown was less drastic, as schools and many businesses stayed open. Yet for both lockdowns, everyone in France needed a self-written authorization to go outside only for essential outings. Public gatherings, bars, and restaurants remained shuttered. This policy brief analyzes how people in France navigated this past year, comparing the spring and fall lockdown experiences, with an eye toward tracking inequalities. As with previous Policy Briefs, we leverage the power of repeated surveys with the same pool of respondents who are all part of a longitudinal sample of the French population (ELIPSS).

To what extent does the Covid-19 disrupt our daily lives? How is the French population experiencing the confinement? To what extent are social inequalities exacerbated and social cohesion threatened? The CoCo project provides some answers to these topical questions by comparing living conditions in France before and after the blockade. This is the second preliminary report in the series that we will publish in the coming weeks. Here we analyze how French society has coped with this first month of lockdown, including concerns about the state of the economy, self-reported health and well-being, and finally home schooling.

By early 2020, the idea of a global pandemic was foreign to most of us. And, of course, the idea of containment was even more alien to us. But the record of this year's Covid-19 is still marked by the fact that many governments around the world have enacted travel bans and other restrictive measures. In France, people now have the experience of two national lockdowns. The spring lockdown, which lasted two months, was strict, closing schools, restricting access to open public spaces and closing most workplaces. The fall lockdown, the second of the year, was more flexible, with schools and businesses remaining open for the most part. But for both lockdowns, everyone in France was required to provide an affidavit to carry out essential outings. Public meetings, bars and restaurants also remained closed. This policy brief analyzes how the French population fared during the year, comparing the experiences of the first and second lockdowns through the lens of inequality. As with the other policy briefs in this series, we use the explanatory power of repeated surveys of the same people, all of whom are part of the French longitudinal ELIPSS panel.

How disruptive is COVID-19 to everyday life? How is the French population experiencing the lockdown? Is it magnifying inequalities and affecting social cohesion? The CoCo project sheds light on these pressing questions by comparing living conditions in France before, during, and after the lockdown. This is the second of a series of research briefs that we will publish in the forthcoming weeks. In this brief, we explore how French society has coped with the first month of the lockdown, particularly with the economy, self-reported health and well-being, and homeschooling.

How disruptive is Covid-19 to everyday life? How is the French population experiencing the lockdown? Is it magnifying existing inequalities and affecting social cohesion? The CoCo project sheds light on these pressing questions by comparing living conditions in France before and after the lockdown. This is the first of a series of research briefs that we will publish in the forthcoming weeks. We will explore this new experience of “sheltering-in-place” and its impact on family life, schooling, work, health and well-being. This brief explores how French society has coped with the first two weeks of the lockdown. We find that the virus has rapidly become a tangible threat, as more than forty percent of the population knows someone who has been infected. Despite this, three out of four persons say that they do not feel overly stressed out. In certain cases, the reaction has been almost philosophical -- long hours spent at home allow people to slow down and think about the meaning of life. More than anything else, it is having access to green spaces and nature which provides some relief to those attempting to cope with this home-based social organization. Still, some cracks have appeared. Women, foreign-born residents, and individuals facing financial hardship are subject to greater emotional strain than the rest of the population. Gender inequalities have been particularly reinforced during the lockdown: women have been spending even more time than usual cleaning and taking care of others. Although the Covid-19 virus tends to disproportionately strike men, the consequences of the lockdown more intenselyaffect women.

How disruptive is Covid-19 to everyday life? How is the French population experiencing the lockdown? Is it magnifying inequalities and affecting social cohesion? The CoCo project sheds lights on these pressing questions by comparing living conditions in France before, during, and after the lockdown. This is the third of a series of research briefs. We explore how French society has coped with the first 6 weeks of the lockdown, particularly as regards the transformation of working conditions and social life. We also continue to monitor self-reported health and well-being.

Migration and Inequality Mirna Safi In a world of increasingly heated political debates on migration, relentlessly caught up in questions of security, humanitarian crisis, and cultural “problems,” this book radically shifts the focus to address migration through the lens of inequality. Taking an innovative approach, Mirna Safi offers a fresh perspective on how migration is embedded in the elementary mechanisms that shape the landscape of inequality. She sketches out three distinct channels which lead to unequal outcomes for different migrating and non-migrating groups: the global division of labor. the production of legal and administrative categories. and the reconfiguration of symbolic ethnoracial groups. Respectively, these channels categorize migrants as “type of workers,” “type of citizens,” and “type of humans.” Examining this intersection across the U.S. and Europe, she shows how studying international migration together with inequality can challenge nationally established paradigms of social justice. This timely book will be essential reading for all students and researchers interested in the sociology and politics of migration, ethnic and racial studies, and social inequality and stratification.

How disruptive is Covid-19 to everyday life? How is the French population experiencing the lockdown? Is it magnifying inequalities and affecting social cohesion? The CoCo project sheds lights on these pressing questions by comparing living conditions in France before, during, and after the lockdown. This is the fourth of a series of research briefs, which now cover the entire lockdown period Has life under the lockdown been a parenthesis or is it the new normal? Beyond whether or not people began to resume their usual activities on 11 May, the consequences of the lockdown experience on people’s attitudes and opinions are the core of this policy brief. Did the lockdown trigger new sociopolitical orientations? Or did it instead accelerate ongoing trends? - 75% of people anticipate a second peak of the epidemic - The expectation of a second peak depends very much on individuals’ level of trust in others - Self-reported well-being rose during the lockdown and increased even further two weeks after it ended - One-third of our respondents are still working at home even though lockdown is over - Two-thirds of our sample intend to limit their social interactions in the coming months - There is very strong support for increased public spending on hospitals - Wealthier people are more likely to support increased wages for nurses - Globalization is increasingly seen in a negative light - Pro-environment attitudes are growing.

To what extent does the Covid-19 disrupt our daily lives? How is the French population experiencing the confinement? To what extent are social inequalities exacerbated and social cohesion threatened? The CoCo project provides some answers to these topical questions by comparing living conditions in France before and after the blockade. This is the first of a series of preliminary reports that we will publish in the coming weeks. We will study the impact of this new experience of home confinement on family life, schooling, work, health and well-being. This report focuses on how the French population coped with the first two weeks of containment. We find that the virus quickly became a tangible threat: about four out of ten people know someone who has been infected. Despite this, three quarters of the French population say they do not feel too stressed. In some cases, this experience is lived with philosophy: the long hours spent at home allow to slow down the rhythm and to reflect on the meaning of life. More than anything, it is the access to nature and green spaces that relieves those who are trying to adapt to a social organization that is now centered on the home. Yet cracks are showing. Women, the foreign-born, and individuals facing financial hardship are under greater emotional stress than the rest of the population. Gender inequalities were reinforced during confinement: women spend even more time cleaning and caring for others. Although Covid-19 tends to affect men more, the consequences of confinement affect women more intensely.

To what extent does the Covid-19 disrupt our daily lives? How is the French population experiencing the confinement? To what extent are social inequalities exacerbated and social cohesion threatened? The CoCo project provides answers to these topical questions by comparing living conditions in France before and after confinement. This is the fourth in a series of preliminary reports now covering the entire period of confinement. Was life during confinement a parenthesis or a form of new normal? Beyond whether people returned to their traditional activities after May 11, this report looks at the impact of the containment experience on attitudes and opinions. Did the lockdown accelerate underlying trends or allow new social and political orientations to emerge? - 75% of people anticipate a second peak in the epidemic, - Sense of well-being increased during the containment period, - One-third of people are still working at home even after containment ends, - Two-thirds of the population intend to limit their social interactions in the coming months, - Support for more public spending on hospitals is widespread, - Wealthier people are more likely to support a pay raise for nurses, - Sentiment of distrust of globalization is increasing, - The desire to protect the environment is becoming more prevalent.

Coping with Covid-19 Observatoire sociologique du changement Centre de données socio-politiques How disruptive is COVID-19 to everyday life? How is the French population experiencing the lockdown? Is it magnifying inequalities and affecting social cohesion? The CoCo project sheds light on these pressing questions by comparing living conditions in France before, during, and after the lockdown. This is the second of a series of research briefs that we will publish in the forthcoming weeks. In this brief, we explore how French society has coped with the first month of the lockdown, particularly with the economy, self-reported health and well-being, and homeschooling. Are people more concerned with protecting each other from a deadly virus or minimizing the economic damages of a protracted lockdown? Compared to two weeks ago, people are more worried about the economy than they are about health, especially in the case of those living in high-income households. When looking ahead to the partial re-opening that the government has set for 11 May 2020, French residents show a high degree of uncertainty. People waver in their commitment to this date depending on which aspect of the crisis they are taking into consideration. Only 35% of the population would want to end the lockdown on 11 May knowing that the virus is still running rampant in the country. When made to consider a potential catastrophic economic scenario, however, the share of those wishing to follow through on this date rises to 65%. Those in high-income households also prioritise the possibility of adopting a mobile app to help control the spread of the epidemic. How do people assess their health and stress levels? The lockdown is not leading the French into depression. In self-assessments of their general health and well-being, people indicate higher scores than in previous years. We label this phenomenon the “eye of the hurricane” paradox: when a disruptive event breaks out, people seem to better appreciate their relative ‘good health’. However, the lockdown seems to psychologically distress individuals who are both working from home and going out less. What are the main features and challenges of homeschooling? Two-thirds of parents, regardless of their educational background, supervise their children’s school work daily. The additional burden is a source of stress for some parents but is also contributing to parents’ understanding of their children’s learning needs.

How disruptive is Covid-19 to everyday life? How is the French population experiencing the lockdown? Is it magnifying inequalities and affecting social cohesion? The CoCo project sheds lights on these pressing questions by comparing living conditions in France before, during, and after the lockdown. This is the fourth of a series of research briefs, which now cover the entire lockdown period Has life under the lockdown been a parenthesis or is it the new normal? Beyond whether or not people began to resume their usual activities on 11 May, the consequences of the lockdown experience on people’s attitudes and opinions are the core of this policy brief. Did the lockdown trigger new sociopolitical orientations? Or did it instead accelerate ongoing trends?.

To what extent does the Covid-19 disrupt our daily lives? How is the French population experiencing the confinement? To what extent are social inequalities exacerbated and social cohesion threatened? The CoCo project provides some answers to these topical questions by comparing living conditions in France before and after the blockade. This is the third preliminary report in the series. We analyze here how French society coped with the first 6 weeks of the lockdown, especially with regard to changes in working conditions and social life. The French working population was divided into 3 thirds: one third of workers continued to go to work, another third teleworked while the others stopped working. Women with a young child more frequently stopped working. Telecommuters are in the upper-middle segment of the income distribution. Conversely, working outside the home is for the lower end of the income distribution. The working conditions of teleworkers are better than for others. Teleworkers want to continue this experience. The division of domestic labor is more egalitarian in households where the woman works at home. Men take little part in education activities. The strong growth in the use of social networks and neighborhood relationships has compensated for the decline in sociability. The contagiousness of the virus was initially linked to geography, it is now dependent on employment conditions. People who had to travel to their place of work were more affected. Levels of perceived well-being declined at the start of containment, but have returned to and even exceeded pre-crisis levels.

To what extent does the Covid-19 disrupt our daily lives? How is the French population experiencing the confinement? To what extent are social inequalities exacerbated and social cohesion threatened? The CoCo project provides some answers to these topical questions by comparing living conditions in France before and after the blockade. This is the second preliminary report in the series that we will publish in the coming weeks. Here we analyze how French society has coped with this first month of lockdown, including concerns about the state of the economy, self-reported health and well-being, and finally home schooling. How does concern for protecting public health fit with concern for mitigating the economic damage of prolonged confinement? French society is now more concerned about the economic consequences than about the health consequences, if we compare the responses collected two weeks apart. This is particularly the case for people with high incomes. When they anticipate the partial reopening of the country announced by the government on May 11, 2020, our respondents show a strong uncertainty. Opinions on decontamination differ depending on which aspect of the crisis is being considered. If the virus continues to spread in the country, only 35% of the population would like to see an end to containment on May 11. However, when a catastrophic scenario for the economy is taken into account, the percentage of people approving of the decontainment date reaches 65%. High-income earners also support the implementation of a mobile app to try to contain the spread of the epidemic. How do people rate their health and stress levels? Respondents are not demoralized by containment. Their reports of their health and general well-being are scoring higher than in previous years. We describe this phenomenon as the "eye of the storm" paradox: faced with a serious event, it seems easier to consider oneself "healthy. However, the confinement causes psychological distress among those who work at home and get out the least. What are the modalities and challenges of homeschooling? Two-thirds of parents at all educational levels supervise their children's work on a daily basis. This additional workload causes some parents increased stress, but also contributes to a new and better understanding of their children's educational needs.

To what extent does the Covid-19 disrupt our daily lives? How is the French population experiencing the confinement? To what extent are social inequalities exacerbated and social cohesion threatened? The CoCo project provides answers to these topical questions by comparing living conditions in France before and after confinement. This is the fourth in a series of preliminary reports now covering the entire period of confinement. Was life during confinement a parenthesis or a form of new normal? Beyond whether people returned to their traditional activities after May 11, this report looks at the impact of the containment experience on attitudes and opinions. Did containment accelerate underlying trends or did it allow new social and political orientations to emerge?

This working paper offers an overview of the first stage of the Coping with Covid (CoCo) project, which tracks the behaviors and attitudes of a representative panel of the French metropolitan population during the COVID-19 lockdown. We conducted five survey waves and administered daily journals of open-ended responses between April and June 2020 among a sample of 1,216 people from a pre-existing panel (ELIPSS). Earlier surveys of this sample allowed us to better contextualize changes that may have occurred during this unusual period. We outline four experiential dimensions during the lockdown period: relation to work, everyday activities and time use, self-assessed health and well-being, and the framing of the pandemic crisis. What we found follows traditional inequality patterns and also reveals some unexpected changes in social practices and attitudes.

How disruptive is Covid-19 to everyday life? How is the French population experiencing the lockdown? Is it magnifying existing inequalities and affecting social cohesion? The CoCo project sheds light on these pressing questions by comparing living conditions in France before and after the lockdown. This is the first of a series of research briefs that we will publish in the forthcoming weeks. We will explore this new experience of "sheltering-in-place" and its impact on family life, schooling, work, health and well-being. This brief explores how French society has coped with the first two weeks of the lockdown. We find that the virus has rapidly become a tangible threat, as more than forty percent of the population knows someone who has been infected. Despite this, three out of four persons say that they do not feel overly stressed out. In certain cases, the reaction has been almost philosophical-long hours spent at home allow people to slow down and think about the meaning of life. More than anything else, it is having access to green spaces and nature which provides some relief to those attempting to cope with this home-based social organization. Still, some cracks have appeared. Women, foreign-born residents, and individuals facing financial hardship are subject to greater emotional strain than the rest of the population. Gender inequalities have been particularly reinforced during the lockdown: women have been spending even more time than usual cleaning and taking care of others. Although the Covid-19 virus tends to disproportionately strike men, the consequences of the lockdown more intensely affect women.

No summary available.

To what extent does the Covid-19 disrupt our daily lives? How is the French population experiencing the confinement? To what extent are social inequalities exacerbated and social cohesion threatened? The CoCo project provides answers to these topical questions by comparing living conditions in France before and after the blockade. This is the first of a series of preliminary reports that we will publish in the coming weeks. We will study the impact of this new experience of home confinement on family life, schooling, work, health and well-being. This report focuses on how the French population coped with the first two weeks of containment. We find that the virus quickly became a tangible threat: about four out of ten people know someone who has been infected. Despite this, three quarters of the French population say they do not feel too stressed. In some cases, this experience is lived with philosophy: the long hours spent at home allow to slow down the rhythm and to reflect on the meaning of life. More than anything, it is the access to nature and green spaces that relieves those who are trying to adapt to a social organization that is now centered on the home. Yet cracks are showing. Women, the foreign-born, and individuals facing financial hardship are under greater emotional stress than the rest of the population. Gender inequalities were reinforced during confinement: women spend even more time cleaning and caring for others. Although Covid-19 tends to affect men more, the consequences of confinement affect women more intensely.

No summary available.

Panel data covering the French population before and after the outbreak of the Covid-19 epidemic reveal that self-reported health and well-being have improved during the lockdown in comparison to previous years. We name this counterintuitive phenomenon the “eye of the hurricane” paradox: the large majority of individuals who are not infected by the virus may be seeing their current condition in a more positive light than they normally would. There are, however, divergences across social groups that reflect socioeconomic inequalities. In particular, blue-collar workers deviate from the prevailing trend as their level of self-reported health declines over the lockdown period, Parisian residents experience a sudden drop in their subjective well-being, and people working long hours at home exhibit higher levels of stress during the quarantine.

The Faire face au Covid-19 (CoCo) project studied how the French population experienced containment in France. [First paragraph].

No summary available.

How disruptive is Covid-19 to everyday life? How is the French population experiencing the lockdown? Is it magnifying inequalities and affecting social cohesion? The CoCo project sheds lights on these pressing questions by comparing living conditions in France before, during, and after the lockdown. This is the third of a series of research briefs. We explore how French society has coped with the first 6 weeks of the lockdown, particularly as regards the transformation of working conditions and social life. We also continue to monitor self-reported health and well-being. About a third of workers kept working at their workplace, another third shifted to remote work while the others stopped working altogether, becoming unemployed or taking leave. Women with at least a young child were more likely to stop working. Remote-work is concentrated in the middle-upper segment of the income distribution, while working outside the home remains the norm for the bottom-half of earners. Remote workers’ working conditions are better in comparison to workplace-workers. They are also the most interested in continuing to work remotely after the lockdown. The division of domestic work tends to be more egalitarian in households where the woman is working remotely. The men find it difficult to spend time educating their children. Unprecedented levels of online social contact have compensated for a steep drop in sociability. Continued relations with relatives are the most prevalent while people who developed new relationships during confinement did so mostly with their neighbours.Contracting the virus has now more to do with employment conditions. People who kept going to the workplace were more likely to contract the virus. While happiness levels dropped at the beginning of the lockdown, they have regained and even surpassed pre-lockdown levels for most people.

Understanding the causes of rising inequality is of concern in many countries. Using administrative data, we find that the share of inequality that is between workplaces is growing in 12 of 14 countries examined, and in no country has it fallen. Countries with declining employment protections see growth in both between- and within-workplace inequalities, but this impact is stronger for between-workplace inequalities. These results suggest that to reduce market income inequality requires policies that raise the bargaining power of lower-skilled workers. The widespread rise in between-workplace inequality additionally suggests policy responses that target the increasing market power of firms in concentrated markets as well as curb the ability of powerful firms to outsource low skill employment. It is well documented that earnings inequalities have risen in many high-income countries. Less clear are the linkages between rising income inequality and workplace dynamics, how within- and between-workplace inequality varies across countries, and to what extent these inequalities are moderated by national labor market institutions. In order to describe changes in the initial between- and within-firm market income distribution we analyze administrative records for 2,000,000,000+ job years nested within 50,000,000+ workplace years for 14 high-income countries in North America, Scandinavia, Continental and Eastern Europe, the Middle East, and East Asia. We find that countries vary a great deal in their levels and trends in earnings inequality but that the between-workplace share of wage inequality is growing in almost all countries examined and is in no country declining. We also find that earnings inequalities and the share of between-workplace inequalities are lower and grew less strongly in countries with stronger institutional employment protections and rose faster when these labor market protections weakened. Our findings suggest that firm-level restructuring and increasing wage inequalities between workplaces are more central contributors to rising income inequality than previously recognized.

This page describes the research project Faire face au Covid-19. Social Distancing, Cohesion, and Inequality in the France of 2020, conducted since April 1 by researchers and support staff from CSO and CDSP. It will also be the place where you will find links and resources to follow the progress and results of the program. What can researchers in the humanities and social sciences do in the face of a health crisis, a pandemic where the medical profession is naturally on the front line? [Introduction].

Since the mid-1990s, the concept of transnationalism has been increasingly used and discussed. Some authors have contested its novelty, arguing that all types of migrants, including internal ones, tend to remain connected to their home place. In this paper, we provide new quantitative evidence to show that migration, be it internal or international, entails a similar sort of connectedness between places. Using a nationally representative survey carried out in France (TeO, N = 21,761), we systematically compare the transterritorial connections of international migrants, French migrants born abroad and French migrants born in overseas territories. Our findings show that all migrants maintain transborder ties, with particular intensity among French overseas migrants. Owing to border effects, oversenas migrants exhibit higher levels of sociopolitical and “re-migration” connections and are less engaged in economic relations. The results also show that transterritorial connections are affected by similar determinants across the three categories of migrants.

This thesis studies the role of migration trajectories to and from metropolitan France in individual life paths. Going beyond the traditional conception of migration as a unidirectional and linear movement, the objective of this thesis is first to improve knowledge of the phenomenon of immigrant remigration in France. By considering France as both an arrival and a departure area, it aims more broadly to renew the approach to migration by comparing different types of migrants that are rarely studied together: immigrants, natives of the French Overseas Departments, foreign-born French, second generations, and natives of the majority population. By combining tax and census data from the Permanent Demographic Sample (1975-1999, 2011-2016), and the Trajectories and Origins survey (2008), this research relies on an original empirical device that makes it possible to explore the place of migratory experiences in individual life paths at various points in the migration process. The comparison between different categories of population reveals the diversity of migration trajectories from metropolitan France, real or envisaged, and their determinants. The combined analysis of these selection processes and of the effects of a stay abroad on professional careers upon return to France provides new insights into the role of migration in the (re)production of social inequalities. Finally, this thesis shows how considering past mobilities and possible future remigrations of immigrants refines our understanding of the mechanisms of socioeconomic integration in the host society.

No summary available.

This article describes patterns of ethnoracial and socioeconomic neighborhood attainment among North African, sub-Saharan African, and South European immigrants in France. We use French data from Trajectories and Origins to document the effects of assimilation variables such as immigrant generation, age at migration, parental age at migration, mixed ascendance, and socioeconomic status that are rarely available in large scale surveys. A simultaneous equation design is used to show patterns in ethnoracial and socioeconomic desegregation across groups and the contrasting ways in which these outcomes overlap. The findings highlight the weak impact of assimilation variables in accounting for spatial trajectories compared to the predominance of ethnoracial group, and document a higher risk of cumulative spatial disadvantage among North Africans and sub-Saharan Africans. The conclusion discusses the implications of these findings for understanding the ethnoracial dimensions of socio-spatial stratification in France.

This chapter explores the links between transnationalism and immigrant assimilation in France. We use the Trajectories and Origins survey (TeO), a new dataset that provides extensive information on a wide range of links (social, economic, political and symbolic) that exist between people living in metropolitan France and other regions of the world. The sample offers a unique opportunity to compare immigrants’ transnational attitudes with those of the others groups. We test the hypothesis of an intergenerational process of assimilation and explore the role of family transmission in maintaining transnationalism across generations. We also study the extent to which transnational practices are associated with economic success and/or the experience of racism, discrimination or stigmatisation in France.

This dissertation studies the relationship between migration dynamics and the social trajectories of migrants born in the DOM and settled in metropolitan France. My research focuses on the demographics of migration flows, labor market insertion, and the role played by citizenship and ethno-racial boundaries. I adopt a multi-method approach. On the one hand, I combine databases from surveys conducted in metropolitan France and in the French overseas departments, offering a long-term perspective on migration flows and migrant trajectories (Population Censuses 1968-1999 . Employment surveys 1982-2012 . Trajectories and Origins 2008 . Migration Famille Vieillissement 2012). On the other hand, I conducted 40 semi-structured interviews with ultramarines in the Paris region, many of whom work in the public sector. My results show the impact of public policies encouraging migration on the growth, structure and selection of flows. By examining the intersecting effects of policy, economic context, and family dynamics, my analyses show how the mobility of ultramarines responds to economic, emotional, and normative issues. The intermediary position of migrants from the DOM - situated between the majority population and immigrants - plays out at both objective and subjective levels. The combined effects of their racial categorization as black, variations in perceptions of their skin color, and the legitimacy conferred by the seniority of their French citizenship shape their socioeconomic and symbolic positions in the French social stratification.

Based on an ethnography combining observation and interviews, this thesis analyzes the migratory experiences of French residents in Abu Dhabi. Nuancing the portrait of "expatriates" frequently presented as hypermobile, it shows that they in fact take marked migratory routes. These routes are notably shaped by the encounter between Emirati politics and the transnational French state, in a context of postcolonial competition that translates into strategies of distancing themselves from British colonialism and US imperialism. The construction of the national group, framed by migratory institutions, unfolds in the delimitation of borders associating franchness and whiteness, through interactions with Emirati nationals as well as with other migrant groups. If the relationship with the South Asian majority population is marked by a distancing, albeit disrupted by the frequency of domestic employment, the relationship with Emirati citizens engages a singular disturbance in the postcolonial order. French residents thus experience a limited but anxiety-provoking vulnerability to Emiratis who are perceived as omnipotent. In this way, French migration to Abu Dhabi reveals itself as a place of destabilization as well as a solidification of whiteness. By highlighting the way in which these white reconfigurations intersect with a gender regime in which hetero-conjugality is reinforced, the thesis makes a contribution to the plural analysis of social relations in North-South migrations.

I use the French Trajectories and Origins survey to describe patterns and trends of cross-border ties across immigrant generations. Transnational activities are measured through a wide range of cross-border ties, grouped into three dimensions: sociopolitical, economic, and a third dimension that I call re-migration. Three sets of determinants are taken into account: variables measuring exposure to the country of origin, variables describing incorporation in the host country, and variables that are specific to each generation. Conversely to the straight-line assimilation paradigm, the findings put the analytical power of the generational variable into perspective by (1) highlighting the wide variability of transnationalism within each generation and (2) measuring distinct intergenerational trends along different types of cross-border engagement. A thorough investigation of the sources of within-generation heterogeneity emphasizes the explanatory power of state-level, religious, and ethnoracial variables.

No summary available.

This thesis is part of the debate on the "ghettoization" of French working-class neighborhoods. In order to move forward in this debate, it is necessary to take into account all the daily experiences of their inhabitants. To do this, the urban experiences of Vaulx-en-Velin high school students, both in the central public spaces and within the social microcosm that is the high school, are questioned and compared with their social representations. These adolescents, who are not marginalized but are stigmatized by the media, categorize the social world according to different dichotomous processes. The intersectional approach is mobilized in order to analyze the intermingling of spatial, social, ethno-racial and moral dimensions that underlie their representations. The reflection is based on qualitative surveys conducted with teenagers from the Robert Doisneau high school in Vaulx-en-Velin and the Juliette-Récamier high school in Lyon. The high school students progressively broaden their practices along a continuum from their neighborhood of residence to downtown Lyon. The search for autonomy, anonymity and social diversity guides the discovery (often accompanied by peers) of the different urban spaces frequented. More specifically, downtown Lyon, characterized by a regime of public sociability, allows adolescents from Vaulx-en-Velin to experience indifference. The experience of the norm of equality specific to this type of public space remains, however, subject to the adoption of a certain number of social codes of the dominant society.

When asked if they think they have been treated unequally or discriminated against, 31% of French people born in France to two immigrant parents say yes (compared to 13% of the French population). These figures reach particularly high levels for those whose parents were born in the Maghreb, in sub-Saharan Africa and in the French overseas departments, with origin, skin color, or nationality at the top of the list of declared reasons. [First paragraph].

Continuing advances in transportation and communication technologies facilitate the movement of people and information across nation-state borders, strengthening the ability of migrants to maintain sustained ties to their home countries. This leads some scholars to see them as central figures of transnationalism or "transmigrants. In her article "Varieties of Transnationalism and Its changing Determinants across Immigrant Generations: Evidence from French Data", published in International Migration Review, Mirna Safi uses data from the Trajectoires et Origines (TeO) survey produced by INED and INSEE to compare the transnational ties of two generations of immigrants. These links are broadly defined in reference to all types of practices and activities involving people, groups or spaces located outside France.

The author analyzes the implementation of diversity policies in France within a traditionally colorblind institutional and cultural context. Using a mixed-method research design, the author focuses on a specific diversity program, gathering qualitative and quantitative data on persons involved in its implementation as well as on its recipients. The author also collects qualitative materials covering institutional actors (governmental services and state agencies) and field actors (associations and economic organizations). The analyses aim to investigate two main questions: (1) What are the population categories targeted by diversity programs, and how are they referred to in the colorblind political and legal context of France? (2) How do the program’s recipients signal categories that make them eligible, and how do they interpret their disadvantage in the job market? The findings highlight the limits of diversity policies in the French colorblind context as they fail to empower both their makers and their recipients.

This thesis seeks to analyze the residential dynamics of immigrant populations in France and their housing situation. Based on two large databases, the Permanent Demographic Sample (INSEE) and the Trajectories and Origins survey (INED/INSEE), which are among the few databases in France that make it possible to identify immigrants and their descendants over time (1990-2008), this research has three main empirical components. First, I propose an overview of the residential situations of immigrants and their descendants, focusing on the characteristics of the urban areas where these groups are concentrated, their housing tenure status, and the way these different residential dimensions are articulated. Second, taking advantage of the longitudinal dimension of the data, the analysis focuses on the residential mobility of these groups, tracing their trajectories through neighborhoods and housing. Finally, I conduct an intergenerational analysis of residential inequality to determine the extent to which individuals "inherit" the spatial positions of their parents. The analysis pays particular attention to the individual and contextual determinants of trajectories in order to better understand the mechanisms that structure housing and spatial inequalities.

France has been a country of immigration for more than a century and is a multicultural society where the diversity of origins has reached an unprecedented level. But the situation of populations linked to immigration, which are the subject of preconceived ideas and stereotyped representations, remains poorly known. In order to meet this need for statistical knowledge, INED and INSEE have joined forces to conduct a large-scale survey on the diversity of populations in France and the study of discrimination. The Trajectories and Origins (TeO) survey of 22,000 people marks a new stage in quantitative research on immigrants and their descendants. Is origin in itself a factor of inequality or simply of differentiation in access to the various resources of social life? TeO offers avenues for reflection by giving a great deal of space to the reconstruction of solar, professional, and marital trajectories or by exploring access to housing and health. One of the major contributions of this book, which is the result of the TeO survey, is to combine an objective and subjective approach to discrimination by studying, for the first time, the experience of racism and by opening up methodological perspectives on the study of prejudices experienced on the basis of origin, religion or skin color.

This article investigates discrimination and the interplay of residential and ethnic stigma on the French housing market using two different methods, paired-testing au- dit study of real estate agencies and face-to-face interviews with real estate agents. The juxtaposition of their findings leads to a paradox: interviews reveal high levels of ethnic discrimination but little to none residential discrimination, while the audit study shows that living in deprived suburbs is associated with a lower probability of obtaining an appointment for a housing vacancy but ethnic origin (signaled by the candidate’s name) has no significant discriminatory effect. We have three priors po- tentially consistent with this apparent paradox and re-evaluate their likelihood in light of these findings: (i) agents make use of any statistical information about insolvency, including residency. (ii) there are two distinct and independent taste discriminations, one about space and one about ethnicity. (iii) these two dimensions exist and comple- ment each other.

No summary available.

The geographic location of immigrant populations and their segregation in the most disadvantaged areas are often put forward as explanations for their lower educational performance and their unfavorable position in the labor market. In this paper, we seek to determine whether the educational achievement and labor market integration of young people with at least one parent born in North Africa, Sub-Saharan Africa, or the Near and Middle East are similar to those of young people with non-immigrant parents, given the same sociodemographic characteristics and place of residence. To do this, we use a unique opportunity offered by the geolocation at a very fine scale (Iris) of the Generation 1998 and 2004 surveys. The specifications used in the regression models allow us to measure the effect of the original variable after controlling for a wide range of individual variables and the geographical fixed effect at the Iris level (conditional logit). Our results highlight the magnitude of the differences between the descendants of immigrants and their counterparts who are descendants of natives. These differences remain even after controlling for geographic effects.

Access to housing is difficult for minorities in France. An audit study we run in the Paris area showed that minority applicants do not face a strong disadvantage in the first step of the application. however, the fact that applicants come from a deprived area leads to more frequent unfavorable outcome (we call this residential discrimination as opposed to ethnic discrimination). The puzzle and paradox come from the fact that face-to-face interviews with real-estate agents in the city of Paris and the Parisian region DO NOT confirm this result. If anything, all discrimi-nation arise from ethnicity and agents dis-miss residential discrimination. Our paper, forthcoming in Urban Studies, documents this contrast between quantitative and qualitative methods and proposes interpretations.

This article investigates discrimination and the interplay of residential and ethnic stigma on the French housing market using two different methods: paired-testing audit study of real-estate agencies and face-to-face interviews with real-estate agents. Findings lead to a paradox: interviews reveal high levels of ethnic discrimination but little to no residential discrimination, while the audit study shows that living in deprived suburbs is associated with a lower probability of obtaining an appointment for a housing vacancy but ethnic origin (signalled by the candidate’s name) has no significant discriminatory effect. We have three priors potentially consistent with this apparent paradox and re-evaluate their likelihood in light of these findings: (1) agents make use of any statistical information about insolvency, including residency. (2) there are two distinct and independent taste discriminations, one about space and one about ethnicity. (3) these two dimensions exist and complement each other.

No summary available.

Immigration and integration policies have been the subject of heated debate. Mirna Safi reviews their evolution over the last two decades, marked by their security, normative and knowledge-based character. She suggests ways out of the impasse in which these policies find themselves today.

This article provides empirical results on the patterns of native and immigrant geographic mobility in France. Using longitudinal data, we measure mobility from one French municipality (commune) to another over time and estimate the effect of the initial municipality's ethnic composition on the probability of moving out. Relying on a unique methodology, we try to correct for biases related to selection based on geographical and individual unobservables. Our findings tend to discredit the hypothesis of the "white flight" central pattern in residential mobility dynamics in France. Some evidence nevertheless denotes ethnic avoidance mechanisms in natives' relocating. We also find a strong negative and highly robust effect of co-ethnics' presence on immigrant geographic mobility. The final discussion explores some avenues to interpret these findings.

This article provides empirical results on the patterns of native and immigrant geographic mobility in France. Using longitudinal data, we measure mobility from one French municipality (commune) to another over time and estimate the effect of the initial municipality's ethnic composition on the probability of moving out. Relying on a unique methodology, we try to correct for biases related to selection based on geographical and individual unobservables. Our findings tend to discredit the hypothesis of the "white flight" central pattern in residential mobility dynamics in France. Some evidence nevertheless denotes ethnic avoidance mechanisms in natives' relocating. We also find a strong negative and highly robust effect of co-ethnics' presence on immigrant geographic mobility. The final discussion explores some avenues to interpret these findings.

Purpose – The purpose of this study is to examine the empirical links between social housing policy and location choices of immigrants in France. Design/methodology/approach – The study characterizes the main individual and contextual determinants of the probability of immigrants to live in a HLM (habitations à loyer modéré), which is the main public housing policy in France. The authors use individual information coming from large (one-fourth) extracts of the French population censuses conducted by INSEE (Paris) in 1982, 1990, and 1999. Findings – In general, migrants live more frequently in social housing than French natives, other observables being equal. In particular, this frequency is higher for migrants from Turkey, Morocco, Southeast Asia, Algeria, Tunisia and Sub-Saharan Africa (in decreasing order). Moreover, migrants of all origins live less often in a HLM when the city has plenty of social housing and when the fraction of natives is high. Research limitations/implications – The dataset can only measure statistical association between location choices of immigrants and the supply of social housing units at the local level, in the absence of panel data and instrumental variables. Interpretation in terms of causality is thus not permitted. Originality/value – The dataset used is especially valuable for studying location choices of immigrants, since it allows significant samples of immigrants, according to their country of origin, these groups being generally too small in (French) surveys.

Even if the political discourse struggles to accept it, France, like most Western societies, is confronted with the issue of ethno-racial inequalities and discrimination. How do ethnic and racial affiliations contribute to the dynamics of social inequalities? Are there mechanisms specific to these forms of inequality? What are the concepts and tools used by research to study them and what are the main lessons learned? This book summarizes the social science literature on these questions. It first presents the conceptual framework of the analysis of these inequalities (definition of ethno-racial inequalities, interaction with other social inequalities) and the methodological challenges it faces (data collection and measurement methods). It then focuses on the main findings of empirical research studying these inequalities in various spheres of social life (the labor market, the city, the school and the civic sphere). The focus is on measuring their magnitude as well as on the precise mechanisms by which they are produced and reproduced. (Editor's summary).

This doctoral dissertation focuses on the process of immigrant integration by using census data, which combines both the richness of the observation period (1968-1999) and the richness of the immigrant groups (about ten), and compares the statistical analyses obtained from these data with an international literature on the modes of immigrant integration. The originality of this approach lies in the choice to treat the integration process in its multidimensionality, to explore the questions of causality between these dimensions and to emphasize the multiplicity of actors involved in it. All the results reveal a form of ethnic stratification of society that appears crucial whether we are dealing with geographical characteristics of spatial distribution, economic characteristics of participation in the labor market, characteristics of family life or access to nationality. It also responds to the dominant dialectic in the work on integration between structural and cultural dimensions of the latter. The results obtained strongly invalidate any thesis of a cultural gap between the "new migrants" and the native population. It is structural integration that seems to be problematic in France, especially for those immigrant groups that suffer most from discriminatory practices.

The objective of this thesis is to fill a theoretical and empirical gap in sociological knowledge about immigration in France. It uses census data from 1968 to 1999 and compares the statistical analyses obtained with an international literature on the modes of integration of immigrants. The results highlight the obstacles and inequalities characteristic of the integration process and reveal a form of ethnic stratification that appears crucial whether one is dealing with spatial distribution, participation in the labor market, choice of spouse or access to nationality. Regarding the scientific dialectic between the structural and cultural dimensions of integration, this research invalidates any hypothesis of a cultural hiatus between the "new migrants" and the natives. It is structural integration that seems to be problematic in France, especially for those immigrant groups that suffer the most from discrimination.

This doctoral dissertation focuses on the process of immigrant integration by using census data, which combines both the richness of the observation period (1968-1999) and the richness of the immigrant groups (about ten), and compares the statistical analyses obtained from these data with an international literature on the modes of immigrant integration. The originality of this approach lies in the choice to treat the integration process in its multidimensionality, to explore the questions of causality between these dimensions and to emphasize the multiplicity of actors involved in it. All the results reveal a form of ethnic stratification of society that appears crucial whether we are dealing with geographical characteristics of spatial distribution, economic characteristics of participation in the labor market, characteristics of family life or access to nationality. It also responds to the dominant dialectic in the work on integration between structural and cultural dimensions of the latter. The results obtained strongly invalidate any thesis of a cultural gap between the "new migrants" and the native population. It is structural integration that seems to be problematic in France, especially for those immigrant groups that suffer most from discriminatory practices.